African American Representation in Animation in the 40s Peer Reviewed Journals

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Howard J Commun. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2018 Sep thirteen.

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PMCID: PMC6136259

NIHMSID: NIHMS986076

Race-Related Content of Blithe Cartoons

HUGH KLEIN

Kensington Research Plant, Silverish Leap, Maryland, USA

KENNETH S. SHIFFMAN

Cable News Network, Atlanta, Georgia, U.s.

Abstract

Relying upon a content analysis of i specific type of medium to which young people are exposed beginning at an early age, on a regular basis, and for many years (i.east., animated cartoons), the present study examines what types of letters are provided about existence members of dissimilar racial groups. This research examines the following issues: (a) How prevalent are race-related content and overt acts of racism in animated cartoons? (b) Has this prevalence changed over time? (c) What "types" of characteristics tend to be associated with being Caucasian, African American, Latino, Native American, and Asian? Results indicate that the prevalence of racial minority groups has been low over the years, with gradual decreases in representation during recent years, when the American population of racial minorities has grown. As time has gone on, the presence of overt racism has decreased greatly, demonstrating particularly abrupt declines in the years since the Ceremonious Rights Movement of the 1960s. On most dimensions studied, members of different races were portrayed similarly.

Keywords: blithe cartoons, media content, race, racism, portrayals, messages

For more than five decades, media content has been a "hot button" social issue, with many critics contending that exposure to the media leads to a variety of problems, including increased aggression and violence (Hess, Hess, & Hess, 1999; Mares & Woodard, 2005), the evolution of stereotyped beliefs and attitudes (Donlon, Ashman, & Levy, 2005; Lavin & Greenbacks, 2001; Ward, 2002), and the evolution of eating disorders (Stice, 1998, 2002; Thomsen, McCoy, & Williams, 2001), amid other adverse outcomes. One topic that has received periodic attention over the years is how the media portray members of different racial groups. Generally speaking, studies focusing on race-related content in the media have concluded that racial minority group members are underrepresented in the media (Eschholz, Bufkin, & Long, 2002; Glascock & Preston-Schreck, 2004; Larson, 2002), regardless of whether these persons=characters are African American (Jackson & Ervin, 1991), Latino (Harwood & Anderson, 2002; Li-Vollmer, 2002; Taylor, Lee, & Stern, 1995), Asian (Greenberg, Mastro, & Make, 2002; Li-Vollmer, 2002; Mastro & Stern, 2003), or Native American (Greenberg et al., 2002; Li-Vollmer, 2002; Mastro & Stern, 2003; Merskin, 1998). Moreover, persons of colour tend to exist marginalized when they are shown, frequently occupying modest roles rather than major roles, particularly when compared to their Caucasian counterparts (Bang & Reece, 2003; Greenberg, Mastro, & Make, 2002; Li-Vollmer, 2002; Taylor & Stern, 1997).

In addition to being underrepresented in the media, most researchers accept pointed out that, when racial minority group members are included in the media, they are often portrayed in negative and stereotypical ways. Examples grow but providing a few illustrations tin be helpful to elucidate the myriad ways in which racial minorities are portrayed negatively in various types of mass media. With respect to African Americans in the media, Rada and Wulfemeyer (2005) and Billings (2004) reported that, based on their analyses of television coverage of sports events, announcers promote negative images of African American athletes. Similar findings were reported past Hardin and colleagues (2004) in their analysis of paper coverage of Olympic sporting events, claiming that the fashion that African Americans were depicted reinforced hegemonic notions of primitive athleticism amidst African Americans. In their study of television commercial content, Coltraine and Messineo (2000) concluded that the main message provided nearly African American males is that they were aggressive and the main message provided about African American females is that they were inconsequential. They concluded that tv commercials contribute to the perpetuation of prejudice against African Americans by exaggerating cultural differences. Taylor, Lee, and Stern (1995), based on their research on magazine advertising content, also concluded that the ways in which African Americans were portrayed in that medium were sufficiently stereotyped as to enhance societal concerns about bigotry and prejudice. Based on their review of the content analysis literature pertaining to African Americans in the media, Greenberg, Mastro, and Brand (2002, p. 336) ended "although ... Blacks [in more than recent years] have accomplished equivalence with regard to the number of roles, the quality and variety remain debatable," with stereotypes and negative images notwithstanding typifying portrayals of members of this grouping.

With regard to Asians in the media, Taylor, Lee, and Stern (1995) magazine advertizement research showed that Asian Americans were portrayed equally being work-oriented (i.e., "all piece of work and no play"). In a analogue study examining television advertizement, Taylor and Stern (1997) also institute that Asian Americans were portrayed disproportionately frequently in business settings, and underrepresented in settings involving family, friends, and social relationships. Based on her analysis of telly and motion-picture show content, Mok (1998) concluded that Asian characters are non shown to be as diverse as Asian persons are in real life, and that these particular media tend to emphasize specific beauty standards for Asian Americans. Some researchers have described media portrayals of Asians as representing that of a "model minority"—that is, hard working, efficient, bonny, technologically savvy, well-educated, and so forth (Mastro & Stern, 2003; Paek & Shah, 2003; Taylor & Stern, 1997). Although this type of portrayal is not negative per se, it is nonetheless based on social stereotypes of Asian Americans and its presence in the media does promulgate the continued beingness of this type of racial stereotyping.

Based on their research on the content of prime-fourth dimension television programs, Harwood and Anderson (2002) concluded that Latino characters were portrayed less positively than others when it came to such matters as concrete bewitchery, quality of dress, personality characteristics, and their importance to storylines. Greenberg (1982) found that Latinos were almost never portrayed every bit working professionals when they were shown on television set, and Mastro and Stern (2003) reported that so few of the prime-time goggle box commercial characters they studied were Latino that they could not be included in their statistical analysis of racial differences in occupational status. Dixon and Linz (2000) reported that, on boob tube news programs, Latinos were more than likely than Caucasians to be shown as lawbreakers. Based on a study of pop films, Berg (1990) ended that Latino characters tended to be shown in any of six stereotyped ways: "El Bandito" (i.due east., the Mexican bandit), the one-half-breed harlot, a male buffoon, a female person clown, a Latin lover, or as a "dark lady." A review of the 1999–2001 tv set programming seasons revealed that the Latino population is six times greater in the United States than it is on American television set, and that the few Latino characters who are shown tend to be affiliated in some way with the criminal justice system Children At present, 2001; Greenberg, Mastro, and Make (2002, p. 336). The most contempo update of this information (Children Now, 2004) has shown a small increment in the prevalence of Latino characters simply no improvement in the quality of the portrayals of Latino characters.

Such stereotyping and negative depictions of persons of colour are of concern because they present people with repeated messages about what it ways to be a member of the cultural=racial majority versus a member of a racial minority group, and with unhealthy notions of what one should or should non wait like. Over the years, a substantial body of literature has accumulated to demonstrate that exposure to the media has a profound impact upon people'south beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors (see, due east.g., Paik & Comstock, 1994; Shrum, Wyler, & O'Guinn, 1998). In that location too appears to be a doseresponse effect operating, such that people who have more exposure to the media are more affected by what they see, hear, and read than their peers who are exposed less significantly to media messages (Shrum, Wyler & O'Guinn, 1998; Singer et al., 1998).

Conceptually, this makes perfect sense and there is a substantial body of theoretical work in the sociological, psychological, and media studies fields to business relationship for—and to anticipate the presence of—these types of effects. For case, social learning theory (Akers, 1973; Bandura, 1971) posits that people acquire their beliefs, attitudes, and propensity to engage in behaviors directly based on first-paw experiences they take with others who exhibit detail behaviors and/or indirectly, based on what they observe others—including others appearing in the mass media—doing or proverb. As Kunkel et al. (1996, p. I6) put information technology, "through the ascertainment of mass media models the observer comes to learn which behaviors are 'appropriate'—that is, which behaviors will afterward exist rewarded, and which will be punished." Accordingly, social learning theory would predict that people of all ages (and young people in item) will learn a bully bargain well-nigh race, social expectations for what is a "proper" way for Caucasians or African Americans or Latinos or Asians to deed, and the social consequences of existence a person of color just from existence exposed to race-related media content.

As another instance, tillage theory (Gerbner & Gross, 1976; Signorielli & Morgan, 1990) states that media viewers' perceptions of social reality will be shaped by extensive and cumulative exposure to media-provided messages. This theoretical model assumes that people develop beliefs, attitudes, and expectations about the real world based on what they meet and hear on television, on video, in moving picture, in magazines, and and so on. Later, they use the beliefs, attitudes, and expectations they have developed to brand decisions about how they will acquit in real-globe settings and situations. Again, Kunkel et al. (1996, p. I11, I13) put information technology well when they stated, "The media, in particular goggle box, communicate facts, norms, and values about our social earth. For many people television is the primary source of information about critical aspects of their social surroundings ... Whether television shapes or just maintains beliefs virtually the globe is not as of import every bit its role in a dynamic process that leads to indelible and stable assumptions about the globe." In the context of the study of race-related media content, and then, tillage theory would posit that media messages serve as agents of socialization regarding what to retrieve about Caucasians versus racial minority group members. This would be particularly true for young viewers who are exposed rather heavily to such media messages through the types of programming that they tend to view. Given the types of messages that the media provide about race, cultivation theory would predict that the cumulative effect of exposure to these messages would provide young people with beliefs and attitudes that, ostensibly, reinforce social stereotypes that differentiate members of different racial groups, that at that place are numerous ways in which information technology is amend or preferable socially to be Caucasian than African American or Latino or a member of another racial minority group, that there will be social consequences to pay if one's race is different from the media-promulgated standards of "proficient" Caucasian characteristics, and so forth.

Taking these theoretical models' tenets and the aforementioned research studies on media effects to heart, the present written report entails an examination of race-related messages in a medium that, we fence, is likely to provide young people with some of their earliest notions regarding race-related standards/expectations: animated cartoons. We have chosen animated cartoons as the focal bespeak of this enquiry for a few reasons. Beginning, people are exposed to this type of medium beginning at an early historic period. Therefore, race-related letters provided by this particular medium are likely to be influential in the initial stages of developing beliefs and attitudes about dissimilar racial groups. Second, for most young people, this exposure continues for many years, and typically entails repeated and frequent media content exposures during that entire viewing catamenia. Thus, blithe cartoons besides assist to crystallize young people's race-related beliefs and attitudes, while helping to shape relevant behaviors through the repeated and consistent race-related messages they provide. Research has shown that early-life exposure to media messages does, indeed, affect the formation of attitudes and contributes to the crystallization of notions about a variety of aspects of young viewers' social worlds (Greenberg, 1982; Tiggemann & Pickering, 1996).

In this study, we address three chief research questions. Start, how prevalent is race-related content in animated cartoons? 2nd, has this prevalence changed over time? Third, what "types" of characteristics tend to be associated with being Caucasian versus being African American, Latino, Native American, or Asian? We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings and elaborating briefly upon some steps that might be taken in the futurity to provide viewers with what we consider to be more than-positive, less-stereotyped race-related messages.

This written report contributes to the scientific literature in several ways. Start, the research is based on a scientific random sample, rather than on a convenience sample. This random sampling approach facilitates generalizability of findings, whereas this is considerably more difficult when a convenience sample is used. 2nd, the nowadays study examines portrayals spanning several decades, thereby offering readers an opportunity to understand how race- and racism-related letters take inverse over time. This is an advantage that very few previously published studies tin can offering. Third, this study is based on a large sample (1,221 cartoons and 4,201 major characters in those cartoons) which enables signal estimates to exist derived and analytical comparisons to be made with adequate (typically, far more than adequate) statistical power. Fourth, this research examines and compares the portrayals of several different racial groups—namely, Caucasians, African Americans, Latinos, Asians, and Native Americans—rather than focusing merely on one or two of these groups, as many previous content analysis studies have washed.

METHODS

Sampling Strategy

This report is based on an examination of the content of blithe cartoons. For the nowadays study, only animated cel cartoons are included in the sample (e.g., Bugs Bunny, Popeye, Mighty Mouse, Yogi Bear). This eliminates from the present study such types of animation every bit claymation (east.g., Gumby and Pokey, the California Raisins), pixillation (the blazon of blitheness unremarkably seen at the end of The Benny Hill Testify), and puppet animation (e.m., Davey and Goliath, George Pal's Puppetoons).

The cartoons chosen for the study sample were selected randomly from among all cartoons produced between the years 1930 and the mid-1990s by all of the major animation studios. Earlier drawing the concluding sample of cartoons that would be viewed and coded for this piece of work, the researchers had to develop a comprehensive and inclusive sample frame of cartoons produced by the aforementioned animation studios. Published filmographies (Lenberg, 1991; Maltin, 1980) provided the authors with a great deal of this information, and in some instances, the blitheness studios themselves were contacted and asked to provide comprehensive episode-past-episode lists of blithe cartoons they had produced. Once the "universe" of cartoons had been identified, actual copies of the specific cartoons selected for viewing and coding equally part of the random sampling arroyo had to be located. This was washed in a wide diversity of ways: past contacting blitheness fans and collectors and having them make copies of some of their cartoons for us, visiting film archives and repositories and viewing cartoons in their libraries/holdings on site, obtaining copies of the needed cartoons straight from the animation studios, purchasing sample-selected items from retail outlets and individual sellers who advertised them in trade publications, renting videocassettes from retail outlets like Blockbuster Video, and videotaping from programs broadcast on television set.

The origination appointment for this enquiry (1930) was chosen for iv reasons: (a) many major blitheness studios had begun operations past that time, (b) the era of silent cartoons had nearly concluded, (c) cartoons produced prior to 1930 are not very accessible today, and (d) many cartoons produced during the 1930s are all the same broadcast on television and/or available for viewing on dwelling video. Because of the fiscal constraints of the funding program, but blithe cartoons with a total running time of 20 minutes or less were included in the sample frame.

A stratified (by decade of production) random sampling procedure was used to ensure that cartoons from all decades were represented equally in the written report sample. This stratification procedure was necessary because very different numbers of cartoons accept been produced during different decades (e.g., many more were produced during the 1980 s than during the 1930s), thereby leading to the chance that a general random sample (every bit differentiated from this written report's stratified random sample) might have led to an overrepresentation of certain decades during which greater- or lesser-than-boilerplate numbers of racial minority group characters were portrayed.

Data Collection

This written report relied upon a content analysis approach to examine the types of letters that cartoons provide about racial group members. Information collection for this research entailed viewing the cartoons contained on the project'southward sample list and recording detailed information on predesigned, pretested, airplane pilot tested, fixed-format coding sheets. Prior to get-go their viewing and coding work for this study, research assistants underwent an intensive preparation that familiarized them with the data that the study strived to collect, the rationale underlying the coding of each piece of information, and the decision-making procedures that should be used when recording information from each drawing. To make sure that all people involved in the viewing=coding (i.eastward., data collection) procedure implemented the decisionmaking procedures in a similar way, intercoder reliability coefficients were calculated periodically throughout the project. Reliability estimates consistently were in a higher place .lxxx for all major measures and were at least .90 for all of the variables used in the analyses reported in this article, indicating a very loftier level of intercoder reliability for this research.

To sympathize the information that this study contains, information technology is all-time to anticipate the database as consisting of two datasets. Dataset 1 focuses on the drawing itself as the unit of analysis and contains macro-level variables that provide prevalence-type information. Among several others, this dataset includes such measures every bit the cartoon'south length; number of characters of each gender, race, historic period, body weight group, and and then along; number of times using or making reference to diverse legal and illegal drugs; and number of prosocial and antisocial acts committed. This dataset facilitates analyses indicating the proportion of cartoons containing at to the lowest degree one African American (or Latino or Asian or Native American or Caucasian) character, how these proportions changed over time, or identifying the rate of seeing characters of races per hour. The sample size for this dataset is 1,221.

Dataset ii focuses on the major characters in each cartoon (regardless of whether they are human characters, animals, personified inanimate objects [e.g., cars with the ability to growl or dance, telephone poles given humanlike abilities to see or hear or sing], monsters, ghosts, etc.), providing detailed information that is of value when trying to translate the types of messages that cartoons provide well-nigh who it is that is shown to be Caucasian or African American, etc. This dataset contains data nigh each major character's gender, age, race, ethnicity, marital condition, level of intelligence, bewitchery, body weight, physique, occupational status, level of goodness or badness, and other demographic-blazon and descriptive information. In addition, Dataset two contains data nigh the number of acts of violence, aggression, and prosocial behaviors (and express data about the types of these behaviors involved) that the characters accept committed. This dataset's data is useful for examining such things as whether males/females or smart/dumb characters or attractive/unattractive characters are more likely to be Caucasian or a minority grouping fellow member, whether characters of unlike racial groups engage in more than activities, prosocial behaviors, antisocial behaviors, and so forth. The sample size for this dataset is iv,201.

Operational Definitions of Some Key Concepts

Perhaps the near important operational definition to provide for this written report is that used for classifying characters' race. In this research, every graphic symbol's race was classified either every bit Caucasian, African American, Latino, Asian, Native American, or as "race indeterminable/no race intended." Coders were instructed that all human characters must exist coded for their racial group. All other grapheme types, such equally animate being characters, extraterrestrial creatures, and inanimate objects brought to life, were to be classified as "race indeterminable/no race intended" by default unless the cartoon provided specific, unmistakable reasons (based on the character's appearance) to select one of the other racial group classifications. The benchmark that coders were instructed to use for classifying a nonhuman character as beingness something other than "race indeterminable/no race intended" was if "some racial comparison is made, if some racial reference is made, or if the character'south appearance is changed at some indicate during the cartoon to bespeak a purported change in race." Cartoons are rarely subtle in the messages they try/wish to convey; so using this type of coding rule was, in actuality, quite easy for coders to apply in a consistent style to the classification of characters' race. Not surprisingly, many of the cartoon characters studied were nonhumans whose race was considered to be "race indeterminable/no race intended," leaving the states with a sample size of i,674 major characters with a codable, discernible race.

Another key concept for one part of the analysis is an overt deed of racism. In this research, nosotros defined an overt deed of racism as "any portrayal of a character belonging to a racial minority grouping that is based on stereotypes of that character's racial group's behaviors or exaggerations of that graphic symbol's racial group'southward physical traits. In order to be counted as an human action of overt racism, the depiction must exist a disparaging and/or unflattering i." These instructions enabled African American characters shown to eat watermelons, Chinese characters working in a laundromat, Native Americans saying "How!" equally a greeting to another character, and so forth automatically to be construed overt acts of racism. Moreover, coders were instructed to code something as being overtly racist "if the drawing shows any character treating some other character in a disparaging manner because of that character's race."

In this study, nosotros nerveless detailed data (i.e., the information nerveless in Dataset 2) only for major characters, although some prevalence-related data pertaining to pocket-size characters' race was captured in Dataset 1. Therefore, we felt that it was important to distinguish between major and pocket-sized characters because the former have a much greater and much more consequential bear upon upon cartoons' storylines and messages, whereas the latter do non. Consequently, we adopted operational definition criteria that would enable the two character types (i.due east., major and pocket-size) to be differentiated easily and in a meaningful style. Coders were instructed to follow these rules in order to determine whether a character was "major" or "small": Showtime, all characters were supposed to be classified past default every bit small, unless the weather stipulated in one or more of the subsequent rules were met. 2d, if a character appeared in an average of at least two camera cuts ^one for each complete minute or additional partial infinitesimal ² of the cartoon's running time, that was sufficient to label information technology a "major" character. For example, if a cartoon had a total running time of 8 minutes and 10 seconds, a character would take to appear at least 18 times (i.e., in 18 or more camera cuts [e.g., 2 per minute or partial minute of running time, multiplied by nine minutes/partial minutes increments]) throughout the elapsing of the drawing in order to be considered "major" using this criterion. 3rd, a grapheme could be considered "major" if it spoke an average two sentences or phrases counting as sentences ³ per minute or fractional minute of the drawing's total running time. 4th, a character could be considered "major" if it had an average of three or more than camera cuts in which it appeared and sentences or phrases counting as sentences per minute of the cartoon's running fourth dimension. This criterion was implemented to take into account that many consequential characters in the cartoons exercise non appear a lot and do not say a lot, just their cumulative visual and verbal presence in the cartoon claim "major" grapheme status even though the ii previous rules would have prevented such a designation from being made. Finally, a character could be considered "major" if it appeared on screen for at least 20% of the cartoon'due south full running time, regardless of the number of camera cuts and sentences or phrases counting as sentences spoken. Mostly speaking, although these rules may seem to be somewhat convoluted, determining whether a character was a major or minor one was an like shooting fish in a barrel, straightforward, and relatively obvious process.

Analysis

Some of the findings reported are based on descriptive statistics, particularly where prevalence estimates are used, every bit was the instance for addressing Research Question 1. Changes over time (Question 2) are examined using logistic regression when the dependent variable was dichotomous (due east.k., whether or not a cartoon independent characters belonging to specific racial groups) and the predictor variable was a continuous measure out. In addition, some changes over time are examined using simple regression when the dependent variable was continuous (e.yard., percentage of characters belonging to a particular racial grouping) and the predictor variable was a continuous measure. Tests of curvilinearity were performed to determine whether observed changes were linear in nature or whether they demonstrated periods of significant upswing followed by periods of significant downswing (or viceversa). The analyses examining the characteristics associated with which "types" of characters (Question 3) were more than=less likely than others to be Caucasian (or a fellow member of another racial group) entailed the computation of odds ratios (ORs), with 95% confidence intervals (CI₉₅) presented for each estimate. Odds ratios were selected for these analyses because they facilitated direct comparisons of the messages provided well-nigh characters of dissimilar races, whereas other statistical tests practise not lend themselves so hands to such comparisons and interpretation. Because of the big sample size used in this research, results are reported every bit statistically significant whenever p < .01 and as marginally significant whenever p < .05.

RESULTS

Prevalence of Racial Minority Grouping Characters and Overt Racism

Approximately 1 cartoon in 6 (xvi.1%) independent at least one character that was a member of a racial minority group, whereas essentially more than (69.nine%) independent at least 1 character that was Caucasian. From the early 1930s until the later on 1960s, the proportion of cartoons containing any non-White characters declined past approximately ii thirds (from sixteen.6% to 4.4% of all cartoons, p < .002), subsequently which it fairly steadily increased to its highest-always proportion during the later 1980 s and into the 1990s (31.7% and 22.5%, respectively, p < .0004). In large part, these changes were due to the presence of minor (not major) characters, which increased substantially during contempo decades (p < .0001). Similarly, from the early 1930s until the later 1960s, the proportion of all cartoon characters (i.eastward., major and minor characters combined) that were nonwhite steadily declined (p < .003), after which information technology increased steadily until the 1990s (p < .02). These changes were mirrored amidst major and minor characters akin (p < .0001 for both).

The prevalence patterns for different minority groups were not comparable. For example, Asian characters comprised a small percentage (1.7%) of the total population of characters with codable race. This frequency did not change over time (p < .47). Also, Latino characters constituted a similarly small-scale proportion of all drawing characters (2.4%), and that frequency did not change over fourth dimension either (p < .56). Native American characters, who constituted 1.5% of the sample, became significantly less visible as time went on (p < .0002). Conversely, African Americans, who comprised the largest racial minority group in the report (3.i%), declined in prevalence from the early 1930s (when they constituted approximately 9% of the sample) until the 1960s (when they deemed for less than 0.1% of the sample; p < .002). Later on that time, there was a gradual however pregnant increase in their presence until they comprised near 3% of the characters shown during the later on 1980 south and 1990 s (p < .0001).

Overall, approximately 1 cartoon in 15 (vi.6%) independent at least one act of overt racism. Among cartoons depicting at least 1 overtly racist act, the mean number of such acts was 3.8 (range = 1–29, SD = 5.1). Figure 1 presents the findings obtained for the prevalence of overt racism over the course of time. This effigy shows that in that location has been a sharp and fairly steady decline in the presence of overtly racist portrayals in cartoons equally fourth dimension has passed (p < .0001).

Prevalence of overt racism over time (p < .0001).

Differences in How Various Racial Minorities Were Portrayed—Part 1: Descriptive Attributes

Few race-related differences were found based on demographic characteristics and other descriptive attributes among the cartoon characters studied, and those that were found did not form whatever blazon of consequent pattern. African Americans were twice as likely to be female as were non-African American characters (OR = 2.18, CI₉₅ = 1.25–3.83, p < .006). With regard to historic period, i race-related divergence was obtained: African American characters were more likely than those of other races to be shown as children or adolescents (OR = 2.25, CI₉₅ = 1.30–3.89, p < .003). In terms of their physical bewitchery, only 1 race-related finding was observed: African Americans were somewhat more than likely than characters of other races to be shown as bonny (OR = ii.39, CI₉₅ = one.15–iv.97, p < .02). Caucasians were somewhat more likely than members of other races to have a job (OR = 1.69, CI₉₅ = 1.13–two.54, p < .02), whereas Latinos were less likely than members of other races to be shown equally having a job (OR = 0.23, CI₉₅ = 0.07–0.77, p < .01). Among characters shown to accept jobs, even so, Caucasians were less likely than other racial groups to be shown to perform their jobs well (OR = 0.22, CI₉₅ = 0.x–0.48, p < .0002) whereas employed African Americans were more likely than other groups to be depicted as being good at their jobs (OR = half-dozen.89, CI₉₅ = one.92–24.72, p < .0006).

No differences were plant amid racial groups with respect to torso weight, physique, intelligence, marital status, dressing up, or the presence of a physical disability.

Differences in How Various Racial Minorities Were Portrayed—Part 2: Emotional=Feeling States

By and large, characters of all racial groups were shown to experience the same emotions and feelings. No differences were found, for example, based on demonstrating happiness, feeling sadness, experiencing fatigue, being energetic, being loving, experiencing loneliness, existence bored, or demonstrating shyness. African Americans were somewhat less probable than other groups to experience acrimony (OR = 0.55, CI₉₅ = 0.32–0.92, p < .03). Latino characters were somewhat less probable than other racial groups to feel fear (OR = 0.42, CI₉₅ = 0.19–0.93, p < .03).

Differences in How Various Racial Minorities Were Portrayed–Office 3: Activities, Prosocial Behaviors, and Antisocial Behaviors

Overall, African American characters were found to engage in nearly twice every bit many leisure-time activities every bit members of other races (t = iii.62, p < .0003). When individual activities items were compared, nonetheless, most did non show significant racial differences. This was true with respect to interest in sports, driving a motorcar, cooking, eating something, playing games, doing housework, doing home maintenance, caring for children, knitting, engaging in artistic/crafts activities, exercising, watching television set or listening to the radio, gambling, shopping, reading, writing, engaging in personal care, taking care of a pet, or using whatever type of legal or illegal drug. The dimensions on which groups were plant to differ significantly tended to pertain to entertainment-related measures. For example, African American characters were three times more likely than other racial groups to sing (OR = 3.29, CI₉₅ = 1.66–6.52, p < .0003), more than twice equally likely as others to dance (OR = 2.59, CI₉₅ = i.14–5.87, p < .02), and more than iii times every bit likely every bit others to play music (OR = 3.30, CI₉₅ = one.44–7.55, p < .003). Caucasians were less likely than members of other racial groups to take vacations (OR = 0.33, CI₉₅ = 0.fifteen–0.73, p < .004) whereas African American characters were more than five times as likely as other characters to be shown on holiday (OR = 5.57, CI₉₅ = 2.23–xiii.89, p < .0001).

We looked at several measures of prosocial behaviors, including providing concrete assistance to another character, providing financial aid to some other graphic symbol, offer cognition or communication to some other graphic symbol, complimenting some other graphic symbol's appearance or performance, showing concern for some other graphic symbol's physical or emotional well-being, and an overall measure of interest in prosocial acts. Compared with members of other races, African Americans were establish to engage in a greater number of prosocial acts (t = 2.50, p < .02). This was peculiarly true for the provision of physical assistance to other characters, which was twice as great among African American characters compared with others (t = ii.79, p < .006). Latino characters were more likely to offer noesis or advice than were characters of other races (t = ii.66, p < .008). No other racial differences were observed for prosocial behaviors.

Finally, we too examined several measures of hating behaviors, including lying to or deceiving other characters, verbal aggression (eastward.g., yelling, making threats), physical aggression, and violence. Overall, African American characters committed about half as many antisocial acts as characters of other races (t = 2.44, p < .02). This was particularly noticeable when acts of physical aggression were considered, with African American characters perpetrating about one tertiary as many of these acts as characters of other races (t = 2.26, p < .03). No other race-based differences were observed with respect to the commission of antisocial behaviors.

DISCUSSION

Before discussing the implications of our principal findings, we would like to acknowledge a few potential limitations of the present written report. First, this research was based on blithe cartoons with running times of 20 minutes or less, thereby excluding longer-form animated cartoons from consideration. We practise non know whether or not curt-form and long-form animated cartoons are like to i another with respect to the types of letters they convey, and therefore cannot assess the extent to which the exclusion of the latter may affect this study'due south findings. Conducting research such as ours with the longer cartoons would be a worthwhile try for future researchers to undertake. Second, our sample ends during the middle-1990s. It would be helpful and, nosotros believe, interesting to have this research extended to the present, then that the well-nigh up-to-date trends possible are studied and analyzed. Third, equally with whatsoever content analysis research study, some scholars might prefer to encounter unlike operational definitions of the central concepts used. There is no "golden standard" in content analysis enquiry with regard to defining major versus minor characters, overt racism, and then forth. The definitions that nosotros adopted were chosen on the footing of common sense, and so that they would foster face validity, and on the footing of simplicity and clarity of implementation, so that they would maximize interrater reliability. We believe that our operational definitions are well-conceptualized and justified; only as with any content analysis study, there is no way to know the extent to which the use of different definitions might have led to different research findings.

Despite these potential limitations, we withal believe that the present research has much to contribute to our agreement of cartoons' letters almost race. Kickoff, equally time has gone on, cartoons have provided fewer examples of characters that tin exist construed as being overtly racist. The turn down in overt racism in animated cartoons began shortly after World State of war Two, and reduced to nearly-zero levels in the years post-obit the Ceremonious Rights Movement of the 1960 s. It appears to u.s.a. that, every bit public pressures increased in our society to treat members of racial minority groups with greater equality and to discriminate less confronting them, animated cartoon content followed adapt by greatly reducing overtly racist portrayals. This finding is consistent with a few other recent studies, which have found that media portrayals of racial minority group members accept improved over time (Bang & Reece, 2003; Eschholz, Bufkin, & Long, 2002; Towbin et al., 2003).

A second major finding of the present enquiry is that, for the most part, African Americans, Latinos, Native Americans, Asians, and Caucasians were portrayed relatively similarly on most dimensions. Unlike near previously published studies, which have been based principally on other types of media and which have reported stiff stereotyping of racial minority group members by the media, our inquiry does non reveal strong evidence to support this notion. True, we did discover that African Americans were more than likely than members of other races to engage in amusement-related activities similar singing, dancing, and playing music—content which, nosotros readily admit, is consistent with historic period-old stereotypes of Blackness minstrels and the notion of African Americans as entertainers of the dominant White civilisation. ^four At the same time, however, we also discovered that African American characters were more prosocial and less antisocial than other characters—findings that, far from being negatiely stereotyping, are positive in nature. On most dimensions—including almost of the demographic characteristics, most of the descriptor measures, well-nigh all of the emotional states variables, and the large majority of the activities measures studied—no race-related differences were plant. This may be due to the relatively pocket-sized number of major characters comprising the various racial minority groups under written report, or information technology may be due to the fact that animated cartoons, as a youth-oriented medium, traditionally accept not provided widespread, patterned, stereotyped messages about African Americans, Latinos, Asians, Native Americans, or Caucasians. Having watched and coded more than 1,200 cartoons for this research, our abiding impression is that the latter explanation is more than valid than the former, particularly when one considers cartoons' overall messages rather than focusing on the negative content that predominated during the before years spanned in this inquiry.

That having been said, yet, we wish to point out that blithe cartoons have a long history of underrepresenting racial minority groups. Effigy 2 demonstrates this contention quite clearly. During the 1930 s and 1940 s, when minority representation in the United states of america was adequately low (comprising approximately 10% of the total population), animated cartoons included an abundance of minority characters, many of which were highly stereotyped in nature. Ever since so, yet, as the population of not-Caucasians grew in the land, the population of non-Caucasians shrunk in the cartoon world. The gap has widened steadily over time, to the signal where racial minority groups were underrepresented by nearly a margin of v:one during the near recent period studied. This underrepresentation was observed for all racial minority groups except Asians. ⁵ African Americans, who comprised 11.8% of the U.S. population during the time menstruation last covered by this research (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000), constituted simply 3.three% of the animated cartoon characters at that time—underrepresented past nearly 4:1. Latinos, comprising 9.0% of the U.S. population, represented 1.two% of the characters shown during the 1990s—underrepresented by more than 7:1. Native Americans, who deemed for 0.72% of the U.S. population during the 1990 s, were only 0.04% of the cartoon characters shown at that time—underrepresented by an 18:1 margin.

Percentage of all persons=characters that are racial minorities.

The consistent design of failing to evidence certain types of socially devalued groups (what some sociologists phone call "out groups"), common among many forms of mass media, has been termed symbolic anything by some researchers (Kielwasser & Wolf, 19931994; Merskin, 1998; Ohye & Daniel, 1999). These researchers' claim–and it is one with which nosotros agree—is that, by presenting certain "types" of persons or characters at the expense of others, and by about never showing sure "types" of persons or characters, the media not simply reflect social values about the goodness/badness or preferability of some groups vis-a-vis others, merely they too reinforce these notions in people who are exposed to these media. For example, if television viewers never or rarely witness a well-educated African American on boob tube, or if viewers never or rarely see portrayals of gay characters that are not flamboyant, they may be left with the impression that such persons do not be. By omitting characters reflecting the true diverseness of our society, the media symbolically annihilate certain types of characters, thereby contributing to the persistence of stereotypes and people's general lack of knowledge and sensitivity toward these types of people. In the context of the present written report, then, our findings of meaning underrepresentation of most racial minority groups suggest that animated cartoons are guilty of this type of symbolic annihilation. Much greater representation of African American characters and Latino characters and Native American characters is needed in order for viewers to construe these groups as valued and equal contributors to our civilization. Past showing so few of them, peculiarly compared with their Caucasian counterparts, animated cartoons send the message—loud and clear—that African Americans practice not count, that Latinos exercise not count, and that Native Americans do not count ... at least not to the aforementioned extent that Caucasians exercise.

What Might Exist Done Based on These Findings?

At that place are a number of things that might be done in an endeavor to better on the situation outlined to a higher place. Starting time and foremost, studios producing new animated cartoons and the story-writers and producers of such cartoons could begin to include more racial minority grouping characters. Such characters could—and nosotros fence, should—be shown realistically and then that, only like their Caucasian counterparts, some of them are portrayed as bonny, intelligent, loving, happy, and positive even if others are not. More than than anything else, what we are advocating here is a movement toward balanced messages regarding the relationship between personality characteristics, social values, and portrayals of race. Some African American (or Latino or Native American or Asian) persons are attractive; some are non. Some Caucasian persons are attractive; some are not. Likewise, the same can be said for how intelligent such persons are, how prosocial or hating they are, and and so on. We believe that one excellent mode to brainstorm to improve cartoons' content vis-a-vis race would be, quite only, to provide a wide array of letters for characters of all types, rather than the relative absence of racial minority group characters that heretofore has typified animated drawing storylines.

Providing counter-programming amidst televised animated cartoon episodes (or alongside such cartoons made available to consumers on abode video and DVD) might too be an avenue worth exploring. One way that counter-programming could be implemented—1 that we think might exist worthwhile and price-constructive for the television and cable industries to consider—would exist through the add-on of interstitial segments in existing animated cartoon programs. Interstitials are pocket-size program segments, ordinarily having running times ranging from thirty seconds to near 3 minutes, that can be inserted between cartoon episodes within a given program if the episodes are short enough or that tin be inserted between programs during the commercial blocks that occur before and after scheduled programming is broadcast. As short-form segments, interstitials would exist inexpensive to create, and their brusk running times would allow them to be added to a diverseness of children'southward programs without requiring the broadcaster to edit these programs for time. The interstitials could be made so that they feature the same drawing characters shown in the original (i.east., "problematic") cartoons, but with short vignettes that are simultaneously entertaining, enlightening, prosocially oriented, and race-positive. I way to do this might be to create new blithe cartoons or animated interstitials using the same characters shown in the original cartoons but have positive portrayals of racial minority grouping characters added aslope them. In this fashion, the original, entertaining, but "minority absent-minded" cartoons can remain intact and be circulate intact while being combined with newer content that is designed to be equally entertaining just more prosocial in nature. Over the years, some studios (most notably Hanna-Barbera and Warner Brothers) and some television set networks (virtually notably the American Broadcasting Company [ABC]) have implemented educational and=or prosocial interstitial segments into their blithe drawing programming, and these programs have been entertaining and positive in their content. ⁶ We applaud these efforts. Moreover, some research has been conducted on the effects of counter-programming, mostly showing at least some measure of success in accomplishing its goals (Power, Spud, & Coover, 1996). We believe that this type of approach to the race-related issues we accept outlined in this paper claim further exploration in the years to come up.

Acknowledgments

This research was supported by a grant by the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (R03-AA09885). We wish to admit, with gratitude, Denise Welka Lewis, Scott Desmond, Lisa Gervase, and Thomas Lambing for their contributions to this study'southward information drove efforts.

Footnotes

^oneThe all-time way to understand the concept of camera cut is to remember of looking through the lens of a camcorder, equally if 1 were filming. Whatever is seen through the lens is in the field of vision. If someone moved exterior of the field of vision and so returned to it, either because of his/her own motility or considering of the movement of the camcorder's field of vision, that would constitute two camera cuts by this report's definition—one when he/she was initially in the picture show, and a 2d one when he=she returned to view once again later the temporary disappearance.

²Fourth dimension increments for these computations were based in much the aforementioned manner that parking garage fees are based. If someone stays for 1 60 minutes and 15 minutes, that person is charged for two hours. Likewise, in this report, if a cartoon had a running time of eight minutes and ten seconds, the computations for major/minor character are based on a nine-infinitesimal-long cartoon rule.

³Many dialogs and verbal exchanges or utterances practise not involve complete sentences, merely instead, are based on "shorthand" responses that have the place of complete sentences. For instance, if someone asked "How are y'all doing today?" and the response given was "fine," in this written report, the "fine" reply would be considered i phrase counting every bit a sentence, since it is the functional equivalent of a "I am doing fine" complete sentence response.

^fourFurther analysis of the data (not previously presented) revealed that these entertainment-type activities on the part of African American characters were highly prevalent during the 1930s and 1940s but almost completely vanished from the 1950s onward. Thus, as stated higher up, this type of negative portrayal of African American characters was not typical of the group's behaviors during all time periods, but rather, of their portrayals during the before decades studied.

⁵Asians constituted ii.8% of the American population but 4.three% of the cartoon characters studied during the 1990s.

^sixHanna Barbera, for example, included condom-related interstitial segments into its hour-long Superfriends drawing block during the mid-1970s. These featured the Wonder Twins in 3-minute self-contained cartoons that focused on such topics as crossing the street safely, how to be safe underwater, how to avoid drug use, and and then along. ABC is possibly the best known provider of interstitial blithe programming with its Schoolhouse Rock interstitial between-program segments featuring well-known vignettes like "I'k But a Bill," "Conjunction Junction," and "Interplanet Janet." Most recently, the Warner Brothers studio's drawing programs The Animaniacs and Pinky and the Brain incorporated highly-entertaining interstitial animated cartoons of 1 to 3 minutes in length, focusing on such subjects equally the names of diverse countries of the world, different types of cheese, and the countries from which they originate, and the elements of the periodic table.

Contributor Information

HUGH KLEIN, Kensington Research Establish, Silver Jump, Maryland, USA.

KENNETH Due south. SHIFFMAN, Cable News Network, Atlanta, Georgia, USA.

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6136259/

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